My name is Eric. I’ve been an anarchist since about the age of 17; of course developing and maturing my views as I have grown. I am very active in the LGBQT, Earth, Animal, Antifa and other communities. I have organized Food Not Bombs, rallies against the Klan, and many others in support of human rights, anti-capitalism, animal rights, etc! I am an insurrectionist now. I believe that revolution starts in our own minds and once you are personally ready, then everyone has something they can do.I value and support the solidarity and comradery received from the community now when I need it most. There is a warm feeling you get from knowing that you committed your life to something larger than yourself and getting warm wishes, kindness, and positive words which can really help someone out of a dark day. I am getting indicted this week and hopefully will be outside sooner or later. Books, stamp money, envelope money and letters would be greatly appreciated if your able and if not keep up the struggle. With love and support, EK (A) (///)
By Dima Khalidi, Director of Palestine Solidarity Legal Support and Cooperating Counsel with the Center for Constitutional Rights
The U.S. Attorney filed an extraordinary motion this week in the controversial prosecution of Rasmea Odeh, seeking an order to empanel an anonymous jury and sequester jurors from protests occurring outside the Detroit courthouse so that they are not improperly swayed by Odeh’s supporters.
Rasmea Odeh, a beloved Palestinian-American community leader who has built an impressive program for hundreds of immigrant Arab women in Chicago with the Arab American Action Network (AAAN), was arrested last October and charged with immigration fraud. The charges stem from allegations that Ms. Odeh, who has been in the U.S. for 20 years and was naturalized in 2003, failed to indicate on her naturalization application that she was convicted by an Israeli military court and imprisoned for 10 years. At the age of 21 in 1969, Odeh was arrested, severely tortured, sexually and otherwise, into confessing to a crime she maintains she did not commit, and convicted by an Israeli military court system notorious for its violations of basic due process rights and its almost 100 percent conviction rate of Palestinian defendants. Despite having been vocal about her torture experience, testifying to a UN committee in 1979, and speaking publicly about it over the years, Odeh now faces another 10 years in a U.S. prison and de-naturalization if she is convicted.
The U.S. Attorney’s motion represents another startlingly repressive action in this continuing witch hunt of a respected Palestinian-American community member. Contrary to the U.S. Attorney’s characterization, Odeh’s so-called “hoard” [sic] of supporters do not seek to tamper with the jury or justice system. They seek, as is their constitutional right, to bear witness to another illegitimate targeting of a politically-minded Arab activist, scholar and community leader, and to communicate to all who will listen about a grave injustice. It is only from the U.S. Attorney’s warped perspective that these acts of conscience and solidarity — rather than its own prosecutorial overreach — can be deemed a threat to our justice system.
Anonymous juries are an extreme measure used to protect jurors from serious threats to their safety. They are often used in cases related to mob activities in which there is a history of real threats of juror intimidation and violence. The prosecutor’s motion in this case cites no such threats or prospect of violence; what is does do is attack Odeh’s constitutional rights to due process, an impartial jury, and the presumption of innocence. Courts view anonymous juries as exceptional measures because of their potential to paint the defendant as a dangerous person from whom jurors need protection and thereby undermine the defendant’s right to a presumption of innocence. Such a measure also denies the defense an adequate opportunity to screen jurors for potential biases during the voire dire jury selection process by denying the defense access to identifying juror information.
The fear-mongering attempt to portray Odeh’s supporters as an unruly mob or horde has racist undertones given the modest number of predominantly Arab and Muslim supporters that have appeared outside her hearings with signs, and that filled the courtroom for the first open hearing on October 2. Also troubling is the attack on a fundamental First Amendment right to free speech, which protects the right of individuals to gather and engage in such advocacy outside of courthouses within the bounds of the law — which her supporters have been careful to follow — and to attend public court proceedings. The insinuations in the prosecution’s motion that such activities by Odeh’s supporters are criminal not only rely on baseless conjectures about their intentions to improperly influence the jury, but are highly chilling to these speech rights as well.
As with innumerable other cases of government overreach and bias in prosecuting Palestinians and Muslims more generally, the public support for Odeh is vital to raising awareness about the case and about the overwhelming biases in the media and the judicial process that are weighted against her. All over the country, PSLS is documenting incidents of repression against Palestine solidarity activists who are being targeted by the government and Israel advocacy organizations because they are outspoken advocates for Palestinian rights. Odeh’s case is part of this pattern.
At her first open-court pre-trial hearing on October 2, the judge denied her motion to dismiss the case, which claimed that the prosecution was part of a larger effort to target and intimidate politically active Palestinian-Americans in the community, including the AAAN’s Executive Director, Hatem Abudayyeh. Odeh’s attorney, Michael Deutsch, said that Odeh’s indictment was the “fruit of an illegal investigation” by the U.S. government, tied to the subpoenas of 23 midwest antiwar activists in 2010, and that Odeh was selectively prosecuted because of her protected First Amendment activities advocating for Palestinian rights.
Supporters have been rallying to Odeh’s defense, calling in to the U.S. Attorney to drop the charges against her and gathering outside of the courthouse during her court appearances. This summer, the judge appointed to hear Odeh’s case recused himself after the defense requested that he do so because of his significant financial support of Israel and after it was found that the judge’s family had financial interests in Israel related to the case. Odeh’s trial is set to begin on November 4. Additional news, updates, and ways to support Odeh are available at stopfbi.net.
On October 6, the jury trial for Nate Mancha, reached it’s conclusion. The jury came back with a guilty verdict for the 1st degree Felony Assault charge. The jury was unable to reach a verdict on the Attempted Murder charge, resulting in a mistrial for that charge alone. Today the El Paso county District Attorney’s office announced that they would not pursue a new trial for the Attempted Murder charge, which means the process moves to the sentencing phase for the guilty verdict. On December 2, 2014, Nate will have his sentencing hearing, where he faces a minimum of 10 years and a maximum sentence of 32 years.
While we are relieved that Nate and his family do not have to face another trial experience, we are angered and saddened that yet another community member is facing the harsh realities of the criminal injustice system. Our hearts are heavy today as we grieve this verdict with Nate and his family.
We know all too well that LGBTQ communities face severe and deadly violence. We also know that LGBTQ people who defend themselves
violence are often fighting for their lives, as Nate was on March 1st, 2014.
Nate’s support campaign will continue. Colorado Anti-Violence Program calls on it’s community of supporters, organizations, and families to come forward to support Nate and continue the fight against hate violence. Please check in with Nate’s support site and CAVP for news and to give support.
A little background info on Nate from his support site:
Nate Mancha defended himself against homophobic hate violence that is believed to be triggered by a rainbow sticker on the back of his car. Three months later, it is Nate, not his attacker, awaiting trial for 2nd degree attempted murder. This case fits a disturbing trend of people of color and LGBTQ people facing prosecution for defending their lives.
On March 1, 2014, 24-year-old Nate Mancha was driving his partner Carlton “Cruz” Mohn to work in Colorado Springs. To avoid being late, Nate cut off a driver to make a quick left turn. As Nate and Cruz pulled into the shopping center, they noticed that the car they cut off, a green 2002 Dodge Caravan, followed them. As Cruz got out of his car to go to work, the driver allegedly yelled out “faggot assholes” and drove away. After Nate dropped Cruz off, the same man, cornered Nate and used his van to block the exit to the Erindale shopping center parking lot.
The man allegedly yelled a variety of slurs against Nate’s sexual orientation, along with threats of violence. The same man then exited his vehicle and approached Nate’s truck, crowbar in hand, and continued yelling and threatening Nate. He hit Nate’s truck with the crowbar, visibly damaging the vehicle.
Nate Mancha feared for his life. He had no weapon to protect himself. He could see no individuals to approach for help. He had no weapon to protect himself. He did not have a cellphone to call for help. It is alleged that as Nate fled the scene, he hit the attacker with his truck. The attacker suffered injuries and was hospitalized as a result.
Colorado Springs local news sources portrayed the incident as a vicious case of road rage. The man who shouted derogatory terms and threatened Nate’s safety, was portrayed as the victim. Nate, who fled in self-defense, was described as “armed and dangerous.” The media reports made no mention of the homophobic attack or details about who was the initial aggressor.
In the police report, the aggressor misidentified the vehicle make, model, color and license plate, but was very specific about the rainbow sticker on the back of Nate’s car.
Nate’s partner Cruz explains that when they saw the biased reporting of the homophobic attack they felt betrayed by the media, police, and the Colorado Springs community. Nate did not turn himself in because he feared that the police would arrest him without hearing his side of the story.
NEW UPDATE (10-7-2014, 3:10pm): As of right now, GoFundMe AND YouCaring have shut down our efforts. We can only assume why they would do such a thing!
To those who have donated already:
Don’t worry! Your funds will make their way to their destination!
DAF has also requested material support in the way of computers (laptops), video cameras, phones and other items. If you want to mail these items, please email DenverCommunityDefense@riseup.net for information as to where to send aid.
Thank you all for your support! Stay tuned for more updates!
For more than a year, thousands of volunteer fighters have been defending the autonomous revolution of Rojava (in Northern Syria) from the Islamic State (ISIS). Since this past July the North Syrian city of Kobanê, in the central canton of the Autonomous territory of Rojava, has been under siege by ISIS. ISIS fighters, armed with modern U.S. manufactured tanks, artillery, and small arms have been held at bay by volunteer fighters affiliated with the militias of the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) armed with dated small arms and improvised weapons.
Tens of thousands of residents of Kobanê, mostly ethnic Kurds, have been forced to flea to neighboring Turkey, made refugees in a country that has historically persecuted and oppressed them.
Hundreds of Kurdish volunteers have crossed the border from Turkey to help aid in the defense of Kobanê. Turkish soldiers and police have attacked those volunteers and observers, including international media, with teargas and batons, in attempts to seal off the border and prevent aid from reaching those struggling to hold the city against ISIS.
In response, anarchists from the Turkish anarchist organization, Revolutionary Anarchist Activity (Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet, DAF) have joined the efforts to keep the border open, as well as support those struggling in Kobanê and those made refugees from the fighting. DAF members are taking part in guarding the border against ISIS movements in and out.
Funds are urgently needed to support their work, especially to aid in the efforts to provide material aid for those who have been displaced by the conflict and forced to flee to Turkey.
We, as international allies of Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet, call on all who see affinity with those struggling and suffering in and around Kobanê to help assist in these efforts. No amount is too small or too large. All funds raised will be sent directly to the DAF to be used as needed in their efforts.
Denver Community Defense Committee
Denver Anarchist Black Cross
From Move 9 Parole:
The PA Parole Board feels that they are in a position to do wrong and get away with it in regards to the illegal and unjust parole denials of The Move 9. They are crazy if they think they can do this and their will not be a public outcry is just crazy . For The past year now we have tied up the phone lines of The Parole Board every Monday, we have sent them hundreds of letters and postcards demanding the release of The Move 9, We have exposed their illegal actions and their connection to the police in the media. This has gone on for a year now and WE ARE MAKING IT CLEAR THAT WE AINT STOPPING ! We are continuing our campaign against The PA Parole Board in exposing Their Crooked Corrupt Asses and we are even more determined to win parole for our MOVE Brothers and Sisters that they are holding hostage under the orders of The Fraternal Order Of Police .
This Monday October 6th officially kicks off Eddie Africa Solidarity Week. We are asking people all over the world to call The Pa a Parole Board Monday October 6th thru Friday October 10th and demand parole for Edward (Goodman) Africa Am -4974 . You can reach The Parole Board at (717) 772-4343 . This is a critical time right now and we have to continue to keep the pressure on these misfits so call and let them know you are watching them and this hearing and demand immediate parole for Edward (Goodman) Africa Am-4974 . The Pa Parole Board can be reached at again (717) 772-4343.
From ABC Hurricane
via cna mexico:
To free media
To the peoples of the world
To all those oppressed
Driven by a sense of rebellion and a declared rejection and true repudiation of all control mechanisms, including the prison system, we, individual anarchists, in our condition as prisoners abducted by the Mexican government, have decided to exercise one of the few tools of struggle which we can assert from inside prison: the hunger strike. From today, October 1st, a year after the arrests on October 2, 2013, 10 months of the kidnapping of Fernando Barcenas and 9 months after the detention of Amelie, Carlos and Fallon.
For us the hunger strike is not synonymous with weakness, much less do we seek to fall into a position of victimization; however, we assume it as an alternative of fighting that we consider conducive in a logic of protest and disobedience to the imprisonment of our bodies and the humiliation, isolation and frustration it means to be held in these centers of terror. We opted to take action rather than accept prison as “normal”.
The State seeks to train docile and servile citizens to maintain their established “social order” and thus be able to support the structure of capitalist production only beneficial to the ruling class. Prisons have a key role in shaping these good citizens. It is to the bourgeois society that the prison actually seeks to readjust.
We reject the assumed role of resocializing that prison can bring to our lives. We not only do not consider it useful, but widely detrimental- that´s why we have decided to continue with our struggle to destroy it, starting with small acts of denial and ignorance of its influence on our lives.
We declare this hunger strike, without any request or demand. We do not seek improvements in jail or in our conditions. It is simply to ignore its role in our lives, acting in coordination and solidarity. With this action we accompany the protest on October 2nd, 46 years after the genocide in Tlatelolco, without forgetting or forgiving and making war until the end of oppression.
We will never stop to aspire for our freedom!
We will not abandon the fight for it!
Jorge Mario García González (Medical Tower Prison Tepepan)
Carlos López “El Chivo” (Eastern Prison)
Fernando Barcenas Castillo (Northern Prison)
Abraham Cortes Ávila (Northern Prison)
Visit FreeZulu.org for more!
Kenny Zulu Whitmore,
86468 D/Hawk – 4L
Louisiana State Prison
Angola, LA 70712
Zulu has been in Angola State Prison since March 14, 1978, and in jailed in Louisiana since 1975. After threats and torture if he did not plead guilty, an unfair trial, and the use of false information, Zulu was sentenced in 1977 to life+ 99 years for the 1973 murder of the former mayor of a small town. Kenny had nothing to do with this whatsoever and still maintains his innocence after 40 years of imprisonment.
Due to his political attitude and being a member of the Angola Chapter of the Black Panther Party, this innocent prisoner of war has been in solitary confinement for more than 35 years. Recently, the Innocent Project in Louisiana has brought in an appeal for the liberation of Zulu. On October 14th, 2014, Zulu will be 60 years old. He would appreciate it very much to receive a card or letter from your friends and comrades in honour of the current campaign to free Kenny Zulu Whitmore.
Friends of Zulu in The Netherlands have launched a petition to the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture to support his release. sign and share this petition with your friends.
I am Kenny Zulu Whitmore. I have been enslaved in one of the most brutal and bloodiest prisons in the USA, Angola, LA, the “last slave plantation”. Framed for a murder I never committed I have been in solitary confinement for over 30 years now…..
In December 1973 I was arrested on frivolous charges and held over for a magistrate hearing where a bond would be set. While awaiting my court appearance I found myself in a cage right across from a black man who struck me as a fearsome revolutionary. It turned out to be Herman Wallace. I was impressed with his words of wisdom, which enabled me to better understand the treatment and condition of my community by the police. I felt honored just to have been in his presence. There were others on the unit, but all you could hear was the voice of Herman. We talked all through the night after he learned why I was arrested. He explained that if my concern was to protect the people, my only route of doing so would be to educate myself of the political Kingdom and then organize the people to effectively challenge the ill that cripple the people. I realized my speaking out against drug dealers and police brutality alone would be viewed as a personal war and wouldn’t achieve anything.
Herman told me he and others had established a chapter of the Black Panther Party in Angola, to fight against prison corruption. I gave him all my information because what he spoke of was what I needed in my life. I dare say it was my first true political education. The next day I learned he was there on trial for the death of a prison guard. At that time I believed he didn’t stand a chance. In the mean time history has proven I was wrong. However, instead of focusing on his trial, he had many questions about community service and conditions. I ended up giving him my name and address. He told me he was officially making me a member of the Angola Chapter of the Black Panther Party. I was very honored but I had no idea what this man expected of me. But I knew about the Panthers and so I went back to the community with the idea of organizing the community against illegal drug trafficking.
On February 19, 1975 I was arrested again. This time charged with two counts of armed robbery of a Zachary shoe store. In June of 1975 all charges were dropped after both victims argued with the judge that I was not the person who did this crime. But I still couldn’t go free. While awaiting an evidentiary hearing on the two robbery charges I was also charged with a 1973 robbery and murder. In this case the district attorney Ossie Brown came to me with a prepared confession and said,
“You, Whitmore, were imprecated in the 1973 robbery and murder of Marshall Bond. And I know you didn’t do this, but I need a key witness against the guy who did this and you are going to help me to get this guy.”
He, the then D.A., gave me the confession to read and sign. The D.A. told me out right,
“You are going to take the stand against this guy and say what I have prepared in that confession for y’all. And I am going to give you five years. You will not go to Angola, and you will be out in two and a half years.”
I told him, “Man, I don’t have any idea of what you are talking about.” He said,
“I am the district attorney and my word is three against yours. And I can do whatever I want to you. Now help me get this guy or I will send you to Angola for the rest of your life.”
I refused and they immediately started beating me with sticks.
On January 3-6, 1977 I was tried and found guilty of second-degree murder and armed robbery. The victim was a wealthy ex-Mayor, member of the KKK in Zachary, Louisiana, which is a small rural community in the northern part of East Baton Rouge Parish.
In the early morning I was dragged from my house to the murder place. I was beaten up from that time till 10 in the evening in order to make me confess, which – of course – I did not.
I was given life and ninety-nine years.
I believe my incarceration on these charges is a direct result of my being outspoken against the police harassment and brutality in the community.
The police had a procedure of randomly choosing a Black person and falsely charging them to clear their unsolved cases.
On March 14, 1977 I arrived here at Angola. I was not here a good two hours before Angola guards jumped on me because I dared to complain of the guard throwing my mother’s picture in the trash can.
In a matter of minutes I was surrounded by guards in brown uniforms. I had an instant flash of Hitler’s Brown Shirt Troops. They returned my personal property and within an hour I went before the classification board and I was assigned to CCR maximum security D-tier, which was known at that time as a militant tier. I was put in D#9.
Once in the cage a Big Brother stopped and spoke to me. He told me his name was King Wilkerson. He told me that the tier was organized in a way to benefit everyone and explained to me what was expected of me while on that tier. King said Mondays were tier discussion days; any questions I might have about the structure of the tier would be discussed.
Classes were held on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays: reading, writing, math, history and language. Albert Woodfox was teaching history. Albert Woodfox and I had become cool. Still, I had not learned of his connection with Hooks (Herman Wallace) until much later. But Woodfox and I fastly became best friends.
About two weeks after being on D-tier, we had a confrontation with the guards and King was singled out and sent to Camp-J for breaking a guards jaw after they tried to jump him.
Since being on D-tier, I had heard the name Hooks many times, but had not had the opportunity to meet him because by the administration rules I could not go out on the yard for two years. And those two years were a learning experience – Woodfox was teaching me the principles of the BPP and the struggle here in Angola. Our goal was to organize all of the tiers of CCR.
In March of 1980, my two-year yard restriction was up. My third day on the yard Woodfox and I were out there with the brother everyone called Hooks. When I first saw him, I said to myself, I know this brother. I said “Herman from Baton Rouge Jail!”. He remembered me and asked, “How long have you been here?” And Woodfox asked, “Y’all know each other?” Herman told him how we met and Woodfox said, “This is the little brother I have been telling you about.”
That very day on the yard our family began. Though Hooks made me a member of the Black Panther Party long time ago (1975), it was agreed upon by all of us that I would remain in the shadows to keep me from being exposed to the danger that they themselves faced. And I would be in a better position to walk from the shadows and by-pass some of the harassment that they were getting from the administration and the inmate hatchet men that the administration would place on the tier to try and destroy the collective lifestyle that had been established in CCR. And thus we could reach out in the general population area.
In the spring of 1981, King had returned from Camp-J, and they put him back on D-tier with Woodfox and I. King had heard that I had become a member of the Black Panther Party through Wallace, and he too agreed that I should remain in the shadows out of the direct line of the administration fire.
Woodfox, Wilkerson, Wallace and I would often be on the yard at the same time. Thereafter, I think security suspected that I had become a member of the Black Panther Party. They started with their harassment.
I had too many books and I needed to put this or that in my locker box. And when I would go before the classification board, they would tell me, “We heard you are a Black militant. We hate Black militants. Denied.” And when I asked why I was being denied release from CCR, they would say “nature of original reason”.
In September of 1981, I was sent to Camp-J for, as security said, a partially dismantled zip gun they found in my cell. ‘Camp-J’ was security for lil’ torture camp. I stayed at Camp-J for three weeks before I was on transfer back to CCR.
While back on the tier I was on, I saw the guards brutally beat two guys on the tier. Then they dragged them off as though they were dead animals. I immediately started to organize the tier. I asked guys on the tier to set their differences aside and become one voice.
Two nights later three guards came down the tier harassing a few people about b.s. stuff, then they stopped in front of a guy’s cell who clearly had mental problems. We all stood at the bars with homemade missiles to throw at them if they had attacked that guy. The guards left with a “we’ll be back” look on their faces. The very next day I was transferred back to CCR, security’s way of preventing me from spreading our revolutionary ideas at Camp-J.
The only reason I am being denied release from CCR is my connection with A-3 and my political concepts.
My only reason for stepping out of the shadows is the truth of the guard’s death back in the 1970’s, which has now been proven to be part of a conspiracy against Albert and Herman. I was recruited by Herman Hooks Wallace into the Black Panther Party in 1974; once I got to Angola I participated in the Angola chapter of the Black Panther Party. Other comrades who made up the Angola Chapter, I later learned of. It was the prison authorities and the FBI trying to learn the names of Panthers and it was for that reason everyone became a shadow.
My being in the Shadow has nothing to do with my activism. I have been a part of the A-3 committee since its inception. Right now I have a motion before the court to correct my sentence. I have an illegal sentence for which I intend to prove that could very well set me free.
The Louisiana State Court just recently ordered my trial court to respond to my motion, and if the judge applies this motion to the letter of the law, he would have no choice other than to correct this sentence and set me free.
So here I am, out of the shadow,
IN THE STRUGGLE.