Jalil’s analysis for Future Focus

Jericho Movement:

jalil-muntaqim-webIn seven years, by 2023, the U.S. will be 40 percent minority, and 50 percent of the entire population will be under 40 years old. These are the demographics that cannot be ignored as progressives move forward building opposition to institutional racism and plutocratic governing.

In my thinking, it is incumbent on today’s activists to take into account what America will look like in ten years, so we will be better positioned to ensure the future will not be governed by deniers of change. In this regard, I am raising dialogue toward building a National Coalition for a Changed America (NCCA) comprised of social, economic and political activists who are prepared to build a future-focused America based on equitable distribution of wealth. It is important that progressives seek the means to organize greater unity and uniformity in ideological and political objectives toward the construction of a mass and popular movement. It is well established that the most pressing issues confronting the poor and oppressed peoples are wage inequities, housing displacement, dysfunctional public schools and student debt, climate change, the criminalization of the poor, mass incarceration, and the militarization of the police. In each are negative racial and economic implications creating social conflicts and confrontations.

However, the most pervasive and devastating cause for all of these issues is the unequal distribution of wealth. It is well researched and recorded that the wealth disparity, income gap between whites and blacks is 40% greater today than in 1967, with the average black household’s net worth at $6,314 and the average white household’s at $110,500 (New York Times, “When Whites Just Don’t Get It,” by Nicholas Kistof). When we account for how such economic disparity impacts educational opportunities or criminal behaviour in the black community, we are better able to identify the overall pernicious problem. The Brookings Institute reported last July that: “As poverty increased and spread during the 2000s, the number of distressed neighborhoods in the United States—defined as census tracts with poverty rates of 40% or more—climbed by nearly three-quarters.” The report continued: “The population living in such neighborhoods grew by similar margins (76%, or 5 million people) to reach 11.6 million by 2008-2012.” (New York Times, “Crime and Punishment,” by Charles M. Blow).

Obviously, America is in increasing economic crisis, especially when considering … “According to a recent paper by the economists Emmanuel Saez of the University of California, Berkeley, and Gabriel Zucman of the London School of Economics, almost all of the increase in American inequality over the last 30 years is attributable to the “rise of the share of wealth owned by the 0.1% richest families.” And much of that rise is driven by the top 0.01%. “The wealth of the top 1% grew an average of 3.9% a year from 1986 to 2012, though the top one-hundredth of that 1% saw its wealth grow about twice as fast. The 16,000 families in the tiptop category—those with fortunes of at least $111 million—have seen their share of national wealth nearly double since 2002, to 11.2%.” (New York Times, “Another Widening Gap: The Haves vs. the Have-Mores,” by Robert Frank).

Can there by any serious disputing the reality that this so-called democracy is actually a plutocracy, and the governing plutocrats have us all hustling and scraping for the crumbs, demanding a minimum wage increase, when we should be demanding control of production? Hence, it is necessary for progressives to realize the future of our struggle must be based on participatory democracy, direct-action engagement. It is important for the more educated and experienced activists to teach the younger activists, and young people in general need to know the future belongs to them, and we are concerned about what that future will look like and how to make it productive. It is essential we figure ways to bridge differences between the evolving demographics and growing minority population.

For instance, I am heartened to see young people taking to the streets challenging the common impunity of police repression and violence. Indeed, Black Lives Matter! However, I am not confident these protests will result in anything substantial in terms of institutional changes or build a sustainable movement. We remember Occupy Wall Street (OWS) had created similar national attention, but void a national organization, leadership or agenda (demands), it was a matter of time before OWS would dissipate and disappear after police removed the public nuisances.

In this regard, I am asking activists to post on their Facebook pages and other online sites these musings, for open discussion and dialogue. Specifically, I suggest that young people across the country enter open debate about the future of specific issues that have captured national attention. Obviously, it is necessary to build a mass and popular movement to effectuate real institutional change in this country. This was a vital lesson from the civil rights movement challenging the institution of Jim Crow. Therefore, I am urging young activists to consider organizing toward a “Million Youth Independence Day March” (MY-ID March) for July 4, 2016, in Washington, D.C., making the following demands:

1. De-Militarization and De-Centralization of the Police, Demand Community Control of Police

2. Debt Relief for College Students, Lower Tuition Cost for College Education;

3. Support the Manifestation of the Dreamers Act—Stop Deportations and the Splitting of Families.

These three issues, as they become part of the national dialogue and challenge to the plutocratic government, are able to unite a universal national determination. A one-issue protest/campaign is not sustainable when confronting an oppressive/repressive government policy supported by right-wing corporate interests. However, these interwoven issues reach three demographics of young people, each directly challenging institutions of government. Again, it is important to use the current unrest to forge a unified and uniform national youth movement.

Secondly, politically, we need to consider how best to ensure these issues become a major factor in the national debate, possibly imposing them into the national election of 2016. In this way, inspiring and encouraging a mass and popular youth movement organized during the election year of 2016, we empower the youth to be future focused. It is well established that it was the youth who were instrumental in getting Obama elected as President. Despite our collective disappointment with his presidency, the lesson learned is the power of the youth when united and determined to accomplish a task. Again, recognizing that in 7 years the electoral demographics will be drastically changed, it is time to prepare for that eventuality, even if some do not believe in the electoral process. Therefore, during the election year of 2016, not a single candidate will be permitted to conduct a public forum without being challenged by these issues. These would be acts of participatory democracy and direct-action engagement. Obviously, to hold a national rally and march in Washington, D.C. during the July 4, 2016 weekend tells the entire country that young people will divorce themselves from the status quo, becoming independent of the Republican/Democratic party politics.

In closing, it is anticipated this proposal will raise questions concerning the potential for the development of a National Coalition for a Changed America (NCCA). Permit me to say that this proposed organization is only a suggestion. I firmly believe that building a national coalition is necessary to establish a mass and popular movement capable of forcing institutional changes, including the ultimate goal of redistribution of America’s wealth. I request this paper be widely distributed and discussed. I am prepared to enter discussion with anyone interested in the potential development of a National Coalition for a Changed America. Lastly, I humbly request activists to review what I wrote in“Toward a New American Revolution.”

“Our First Line of Defense IS Power to the People!”

Remember: We Are Our Own Liberators!

In fierce struggle,
Jalil A. Muntaqim
Attica, February 2015

Write to Jalil:
Anthony J. Bottom #77A4283
Attica Correctional Facility
P.O. Box 149
Attica, NY 14011-0149

Message from Jalil Muntaqim

Friends and Supporters of Jalil Muntaqim Harassed, Targeted, and Intimidated

From the Freedom Archives:

Since Jalil’s arrival at Attica Correctional Facility in March 2011, a number of statements have been made about the continued and frequent harassment of his visitors. Despite filing numerous official reports, Jalil’s visitors have repeatedly endured undue questioning, inappropriate remarks, destruction of personal property, and denial of entry at the hands of Attica guards.

On June 5, 2012, this harassment was redirected toward Jalil when he had his cell searched and was charged with “unauthorized organization.” Denied all of his witnesses, Jalil was sentenced to 6 months in SHU for the possession of two photographs of an academic event in which a Black Panther banner was hung in the background. These photos served as the sole evidence of his “unlawful” behavior.

On March 28, this sentence was reversed in an appeal, and Jalil was immediately taken to general population. He is there now, and considers this reversal a victory for all who stood in solidarity with him, and demanded his release.

However, it appears as if the harassment of Jalil and his supporters has not stopped. Just last week, a visitor was denied entry because he “smelled like marijuana”–which was impossible.

I have been visiting Jalil weekly for two years, and have been actively supporting the reversal of the SHU sentence and his release on parole. This past December, I experienced two car break-ins within only 3 weeks. The first time, there was no sign of forced entry, nothing of value taken (despite a digital camera being in my car), and every one of my envelopes and folders were opened and strewn throughout both front and back seats. Each compartment within the car, the gas tank, and the trunk were left open, and two photographs of me and Jalil were left face-up on my passenger seat.

The second time this happened, on Christmas morning, the car was left in the exact same condition, except that a back window had been smashed out, and a hubcap removed and put into my trunk. 3 lug nuts were visibly loose on a rear wheel, and the two photographs of me and Jalil were once again pulled out of the dash and placed on my
passenger seat. Jalil was placed in SHU within weeks of this last break-in, and was released on March 29.

On Sunday, April 1 I moved into a new apartment in a quiet, residential neighborhood. On the morning of Tuesday, April 3, I found my car in the exact state I had seen twice before. Despite no sign of break-in and previously locked doors, my car was entirely ransacked. Mail collected from the day before was opened, all bags turned inside out, the underside of my seats dug out, and the photographs missing. My passport and computer were moved, but still not taken.

US law enforcement has a history of harassing the family, friends, and supporters of political prisoners. When it cannot continue to be done within prison walls, the intimidation often extends into our personal lives. And, it would come as no surprise to discover that these attempts at intimidation are being undertaken by people who wish to hinder and halt actions being taken to support Jalil and his release on parole.

This message is both a notification and a call: we know that this kind of targeting is not infrequent, and would like to reach out to other supporters or loved ones of political prisoners who have experienced similar attempts at intimidation—especially recently. The only way to stop illegal surveillance being carried out in the dark is to shine a light on it, Jalil said today, so we’re asking that others with similar stories speak about them so that we can more carefully support one another.

I can be contacted at freejalilmuntaqim@gmail.com

Statements from 3 NY State Political Prisoners on Occupy4Prisoners

The New York Prison Justice Network and New York Taskforce for Political Prisoners received these statements of support for Occupy4Prisoners from NY state political prisoners Herman Bell, David Gilbert and Jalil Muntaqim. The statements (along with one from Mumia Abu-Jamal and several from
other prisoners) will be read at the NYC and Philadelphia rallies today, and in Albany  tomorrow. They are also for use at any other Occupy4Prisoners rally anywhere.
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Stop Ongoing Harassment of Jalil Muntaqim

We received a call Friday morning from Jalil Muntaqim to advise us that his cell had been raided on Thursday, January 5th. (Attica, NY) When Jalil asked why his cell was being searched, he was told it was because “something happened in California.”

The COs confiscated pictures of the memorials for BPP members Cetewayo (Michael Tabor) and Bro. Mark Smith “Smitty” of New Jersey. Jalil received a Tier 3 ticket for possession of these photos. Of course, these photos had been sent to him by mail and had been approved in the prison mailroom.

Jalil is not in the hole. We have been told this walking ticket means they can use it against him at any time for any reason.

Jalil’s cell has been turned over five times in the last two months.

Jalil is asking people to call the Warden and Commissioner Brian Fischer to demand:

1. An end to this campaign of constant harassment

2. The return of his pictures

When you call, be sure to use Jalil’s DIN number (#77A4283) and refer to him as Anthony “Jalil” Bottom, currently at Attica.

Brian Fischer (518) 457-8126

Warden: (585) 591-2000

We would like to know what responses people receive. Please send an email to nycjericho@gmail.com or mxcc519@verizon.net to let us know.

Thank you for your help.

Jericho Co-Chairs Jihad & Paulette

Check Out Jalil Mutaqim’s Blog!

Please check out the relatively new blog of New Afrikan Prisoner of War Jalil Muntaqim, which includes such poignant reflections such as these…

Occupy Wall Street …A Movement???

 The Civil Rights struggle was a movement. The Black Power struggle was a movement. The Anti-Vietnam War struggle was a movement. Each of these struggles had definitive goals, objectives and defined demands; they each had representative leadership able to articulate their demands; and just as importantly, they had national organizational development and direction. To date, Occupy Wall Street (OWS) has none of these, but rather a decentralized protest CAMPAIGN that has touched and manifested a sentiment and tendency of mass disaffection with this capitalist system.

Occupy Wall Street Protest and U.S. Political Prisoners

When considering the impressive level of support cultivated and organized to spare the life of Troy Davis, we political prisoners in NYS can only wonder what kind of impact that would have had on NYS DOCS and Division of Parole on our collective condition. Although the state of Georgia failed to spare the life of Troy Davis, there is no doubt they were under tremendous pressure. I sincerely doubt, if such pressure was directed on NYS in support of our issue, NYS would be unable to deny our demands. This is especially true when considering there would be no finality to our issues. When considering the extent of support and attention given to California Pelican Bay hunger strikers, that will eventually force major changes in SHU prison policies, we need to ask why NYS activists are perceptually silent on prison and parole issues?


Attacks on Political Prisoners

Jalil Muntaqim

Your Support is Needed!

Jalil was transferred to Attica a few months ago, and has experienced
continual harassment since his arrival. On Thursday, a cell search was
conducted and officers removed a short article written by Jalil in
1991 in response to the Rodney King riots and calling for organized
resistance. Despite the age, current irrelevance, and isolated nature
of the piece, Jalil is being tried for “gang affiliation,” a Tier 3
disciplinary classification. It seems doubtful that such a tenuous
charge will be upheld, but if it is, it will mean lengthy SHU time (up
to 5 years).

This is coupled with the frequent harassment of him and his visitors.
Recently, I was informed by a CO that Jalil is the “scum of this
earth,” and another visitor was referred to as a “pp groupie.” This
kind of behavior, though to be expected, is unacceptable.

Jalil has asked that folks write to Albany demanding that the charges
be dropped completely. He has no history of gang involvement or
affiliation in the 39 years of his incarceration.

Letters of support can be mailed to:

Commissioner Brian Fischer
NYS Department of Correctional Services
Building 2
1220 Washington Ave
Albany, New York 12226-2050

Be sure to refer to Jalil as Anthony Bottom and include his DIN
number. This would also be an excellent time to write to Jalil and
let him know he has our support:

Anthony Jalil Bottom #77A4283
Attica Correctional Facility, P.O. Box 149, Attica NY 14011-0149

Leonard Peltier

SAN FRANCISCO – In a letter, dated August 1, 2011 and released overnight to Native News Network, lead counsel for Leonard Peltier, Robert R. Bryan, writes::

“The conditions under which Leonard is presently confined constitute cruel and inhumane treatment. In view of his advanced age and poor health, it amounts to torture. What is happening is part of the government’s long history of genocide of indigenous people.”

Bryan provides a factual summary, based on prison reports, interviews and other documents, of what led to Peltier being placed in solitary confinement – the hole.

Read the rest here

Two Messages from Jalil Muntaqim

Urgent Message

On March 4, 2011, I was moved from a single cell to a double bunk cell on
the orders of Attica’s Deputy Supt. of Security P. Chappius. This placement
in double bunk is against double bunk policy, as I was transferred here
administratively via Albany. It was neither a disciplinary transfer nor a
requested transfer and I did not sign a waiver to go into double bunk.

In 1996, they alleged that I organized a strike here against double bunking.
I was put in the box for 9 months. It is well known that Supt. Mark L. Bradt
does not want me in his facility. Therefore, this was probably done
anticipating I would refuse and they could then put me back in the SHU.

I’m asking people to call Commissioner Brian Fischer in Albany at
518-457-8134 and tell him that my placement in a double bunk cell is against
policy and procedure. Request that I be placed in a single cell and that I
start my program as an E block porter.


The Egyptian Youth Uprising:
By Jalil A. Muntaqim

The Youth movement in Egypt has been defined as a revolution, but to me it
resembles more of an uprising against tyranny. This historical uprising in
many respects reminds me of the type of Black youth uprising that occurred
in the United States against the tyranny of Jim Crow segregation. Although
the civil rights movement is often referred to as a Black bourgeois
revolution challenging segregation laws and policy, it was not until Kwame
Toure (formerly Stokely Carmicheal) of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating
Committee (SNCC), announced that the struggle is for “Black Power”, that the
civil rights movement evolved into a Black liberation struggle for young
people. As a result of the growing militancy of Black youth, the federal
government under the auspices of the FBI-Counterintelligence Program
(COINTELPRO) began to violently suppress the growing militant youth
movement. That movement was mostly represented by the Black Panther Party,
which became the principle target of the FBI Cointelpro activities, actions
that included framing members for imprisonment, running them into exile and

The Black Panther movement evolved out of the political struggles of the
civil rights movement to further demand control of the socio-economic and
political institutions controlling the oppressed Black community in the
United States.
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Jalil Muntaqim Transferred to Attica

From Freedom Archives


“This morning as I was preparing to go to the marshal, 3 officers and a sergeant came to the cell informing me I was going on a medical trip. I put on all my state-issued green clothing, was chained, shackled, and handcuffed, and was escorted to the van. We then went to Utica Christian Medical Center, where they performed ultrasound tests on my kidney, liver, and heart. Nothing remarkable was found. Around 1:15pm we left to head back, but when we passed the exit heading to Auburn, I asked where were they taking me? I was then told Attica! I had none of my property!!! When I arrived to Attica, the sergeant informed me that he was told by Attica administrators to put me in a segregation cell. I doubt they will keep me in this cell for long, especially after we get on their cases about the entire situation.

Now this is the deal; obviously this transfer is in retaliation for my filing the Article 78 legal petition against Officer Johnston for writing a disciplinary report full of lies. Also, because Auburn prison officials sought to prevent my legal documents from reaching the courts and I filed a grievance proving they were tampering with my mail.

It is alleged and believed that the transfer here is in retaliation for me exercising my constitutional rights to petition the court.

Therefore, I am calling for all friends and supporters to call Brian Fischer, Commissioner of NYS DOCS, and urge him to have me transferred back to Auburn. Then, we will be moving to demand the NYS Attorney General and Eric Holder, US Attorney General, to make an official investigation into racist brutality of prisoners, and sexual harassment/frisking of prisoners by correctional guards with the full knowledge and acquiescence of his administration.

I am asking friends and supporters to call often and be consistent in challenging NYS treatment of me and all NYS political prisoners!”

Since this was written, Jalil has been released from the segregation unit into the general population. The majority of his property was lost, including his typewriter, winter boots, coat, and sweaters. He was admitted less than half of his personal and legal materials.

CALL AND SUPPORT! Demand immediate return to Auburn, and access to personal property!

Brian Fischer, Commissioner of NYS DOCS
(518) 457-8126

Mark L. Bradt, Superintendant of Attica Correctional Facility
(585) 591-2000

Jalil can be reached at:
Mr. Anthony Bottom 77A-4283
Attica Correctional Facility, PO Box 149
Attica NY 14011-0149

For more information about Jalil, go to www.freejalil.com

Jalil Muntaqim Facing Harrassment from Prison Officials

Jalil Muntaqim is a political prisoner being held at Auburn Correctional Facility in NY as a member of the Black Liberation Army and victim of COINTELPRO. Recently denied release on parole for the third time, as well as release by pardon or commutation of sentence, there now appears to be indicators of harassment and retaliation against Jalil inside Auburn CF.

In order to provide some context to current ongoings, it is worth mentioning an incident this past summer in which Jalil was placed in solitary confinement for approximately two weeks on false contraband charges. As a result of this, he also lost his privileges on the Honor Block. He has yet to regain those privileges, despite the false and exaggerated nature of the charges.

Following this, Jalil filed a grievance against the accusing correctional officer, and went through all the required steps to apply to have the case reconsidered. However, he recently received a letter informing him that the case had been dismissed because Jalil had failed to deliver the necessary documents to all 3 relevant parties—the superintendant, the correctional officer, and the attorney general. Despite Jalil’s documented proof that he sent these materials with ample time to all 3 people, none of them have been received to this day. This is not only a case of Jalil’s mail being held for abnormal lengths of time, it is a case of it disappearing altogether—and therefore crucially hindering Jalil’s ability to challenge the charges brought up against him.

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